Measure Phrase Equatives and Modified Numerals

In English, equatives can be formed with a numeral or measure phrase (MP) standard (e.g. John can dive as deep as 500m; Rett, 2010). These ‘measure phrase equatives’ (MPEs) differ semantically from their clausal counterparts (e.g. John can dive as deep as Sue can) in two important ways. First, while clausal standards set lower bounds, resulting in an ‘at least’ interpretation of the equative, MP standards tend to set upper bounds, resulting in an ‘at most’ interpretation. Second, MPEs are restricted in their distribution relative to clausal equatives: they are only acceptable when the subject is associated with a range of values or when the value they’re associated with is significantly high (or both). The main goal of this paper is a unified analysis of the equative morpheme that accounts for these semantic and distributional differences between clausal and MP equatives. I attribute these differences to the fact that MPEs can trigger two different conversational implicatures: a quantity implicature (because they are less informative than MP comparatives); and a manner implicature, because they are more marked than MP constructions like John can dive 500m (deep). I end by suggesting an expansion of this account of MPEs to modified numerals generally, in particular to the differences between Class A and Class B modifiers (Geurts & Nouwen 2007; Nouwen 2010).